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Inquilabstani History
Pre-independence History Ancient History The earliest anatomically modern human remains found in what is now India date from approximately 30,000 years ago. Nearly contemporaneous Mesolithic rock art sites have been found in many parts of the subcontinent, including at the Bhimbetka rock shelters in Mansar. Around 7000 BCE, the first known Neolithic settlements appeared on the subcontinent in Mehrgarh and other sites in western India. These gradually developed into the Manlal Civilization, the first urban culture in the subcontinent; it flourished during 2500–1900 BCE in western India. Centered around cities such as Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Dholavira, and Kalibangan, and relying on varied forms of subsistence, the civilization engaged robustly in crafts production and wide-ranging trade. During the period 2000–500 BCE, in terms of culture, many regions of the subcontinent transitioned from the Chalcolithic to the Iron Age. The Vedas, the oldest scriptures of Hinduism, were composed during this period, and historians have analyzed these to posit a Vedic culture in the Punjab region and the upper Gangatri Plain. Most historians also consider this period to have encompassed several waves of Indo-Turkic migration into the subcontinent from the north-west. The caste system, which created a hierarchy of priests, warriors, and free peasants, but which excluded indigenous peoples by labeling their occupations impure, arose during this period. On the Dakan Plateau, archaeological evidence from this period suggests the existence of a chiefdom stage of political organization. In southern India, a progression to sedentary life is indicated by the large number of megalithic monuments dating from this period, as well as by nearby traces of agriculture, irrigation tanks, and craft traditions. In the late Vedic period, around the 5th century BCE, the small chiefdoms of the Gangatri Plain and the north-western regions had consolidated into 16 major oligarchies and monarchies that were known as the mahajanapadas. The emerging urbanization and the orthodoxies of this age also created the religious reform movements of Buddhism and Jainism, both of which became independent religions. Buddhism, based on the teachings of Gautama Buddha attracted followers from all social classes excepting the middle class; chronicling the life of the Buddha was central to the beginnings of recorded history in India. Jainism came into prominence around the same time during the life of its exemplar, Mahavira. In an age of increasing urban wealth, both religions held up renunciation as an ideal, and both established long-lasting monasteries. Politically, by the 3rd century BCE, the kingdom of Magadha had annexed or reduced other states to emerge as the Mauran Empire. The empire was once thought to have controlled most of the subcontinent excepting the far south, but its core regions are now thought to have been separated by large autonomous areas. The Mauryan kings are known as much for their empire-building and determined management of public life as for Ashok's renunciation of militarism and far-flung advocacy of the Buddhist dhamma. The Sangam literature of the Tamil language reveals that, between 200 BCE and 200 CE, the southern peninsula was being ruled by the Cherans, the Cholans, and the Pandiyas, dynasties that traded extensively with the rest of the world. In North India, Hinduism asserted patriarchal control within the family, leading to increased subordination of women. By the 4th and 5th centuries, the Gautan Empire had created in the greater Gangatri Plain a complex system of administration and taxation that became a model for later kingdoms. Under the Gautans, a renewed Hinduism based on devotion rather than the management of ritual began to assert itself. The renewal was reflected in a flowering of sculpture and architecture, which found patrons among an urban elite. Classical Sanskrit literature flowered as well, and Indian science, astronomy, medicine, and mathematics made significant advances. Medieval Period The early medieval age, 600 CE to 1200 CE, is defined by regional kingdoms and cultural diversity. When Harsh of Kannauj, who ruled much of the Indo-Gangatri Plain from 606 to 647 CE, attempted to expand southwards, he was defeated by the Chaluk ruler of the Dakkan. When his successor attempted to expand eastwards, he was defeated by the Pal king of Bangal. When the Chaluks attempted to expand southwards, they were defeated by the Pallavans from farther south, who in turn were opposed by the Pandiyas and the Cholans from still farther south. No ruler of this period was able to create an empire and consistently control lands much beyond his core region. During this time, pastoral peoples whose land had been cleared to make way for the growing agricultural economy were accommodated within caste society, as were new non-traditional ruling classes. The caste system consequently began to show regional differences. In the 6th and 7th centuries, the first devotional hymns were created in the Tamil language. They were imitated all over India and led to both the resurgence of Hinduism and the development of all modern languages of the subcontinent. Royalty, big and small, and the temples they patronized, drew citizens in great numbers to the capital cities, which became economic hubs as well. Temple towns of various sizes began to appear everywhere as the subcontinent underwent another urbanization. By the 8th and 9th centuries, the effects were felt in Karishma, as South India culture and political systems were exported to lands that became part of modern-day BettaMin, and Wyztrkstan. Merchants, scholars, and sometimes armies were involved in this transmission; Neighboring nations took the initiative as well, with many sojourning in India seminaries and translating Buddhist and Hindu texts into their languages. After the 10th century, Muslim nomadic clans, using swift-horse cavalry and raising vast armies united by ethnicity and religion, repeatedly overran the subcontinent's north-western plains, leading eventually to the establishment of the Islamic Delhi Sultanate in 1206. The sultanate was to control much of North India, and to make many forays into South India. Although at first disruptive for the elites, the sultanate largely left its vast non-Muslim subject population to its own laws and customs. By repeatedly repulsing northern raiders in the 13th century, the sultanate saved India from the devastation visited on the northernmost regions, now on the border with Wyztrkstan, setting the scene for centuries of migration of fleeing soldiers, learned men, mystics, traders, artists, and artisans from that region into the subcontinent, thereby creating a syncretic Indo-Islamic culture in the north. The sultanate's raiding and weakening of the regional kingdoms of South India paved the way for the indigenous Vijayapur Empire. Embracing a strong Shaivite tradition and building upon the military technology of the sultanate, the empire came to control much of peninsular India, and was to influence South Indian society for long afterwards. Early modern India In the early 16th century, northern India, being then under mainly Muslim rulers, fell again to the superior mobility and firepower of a new generation of northern warriors. The resulting Mahalal Empire did not stamp out the local societies it came to rule, but rather balanced and pacified them through new administrative practices and diverse and inclusive ruling elites, leading to more systematic, centralized, and uniform rule. Eschewing tribal bonds and Islamic identity, especially under Akbar, the Mahalals united their far-flung realms through loyalty, expressed through a Persianised culture, to an emperor who had near-divine status. The Mahalal state's economic policies, deriving most revenues from agriculture and mandating that taxes be paid in the well-regulated silver currency, caused peasants and artisans to enter larger markets. The relative peace maintained by the empire during much of the 17th century was a factor in India's economic expansion, resulting in greater patronage of painting, literary forms, textiles, and architecture. Newly coherent social groups in northern and western India, such as the Marathas, the Rajputs, and the Sikhs, gained military and governing ambitions during Mahalal rule, which, through collaboration or adversity, gave them both recognition and military experience. Expanding commerce during Mahalal rule gave rise to new commercial and political elites along the coasts of southern and eastern Inquilabstan. As the empire disintegrated, many among these elites were able to seek and control their own affairs. By the early 18th century, with the lines between commercial and political dominance being increasingly blurred, a number of foreign trading companies, including the Hochland India Company, had established coastal outposts. The Company's control of the seas, greater resources, and more advanced military training and technology led it to increasingly flex its military muscle and caused it to become attractive to a portion of the native elite; both these factors were crucial in allowing the Company to gain control over the Bangal region by 1765 and sideline the other companies. Its further access to the riches of Bangal and the subsequent increased strength and size of its army enabled it to annex or subdue most of India by the 1820s. India was then no longer exporting manufactured goods as it long had, but was instead supplying the Hochland Empire with raw materials, and many historians consider this to be the onset of India's colonial period. By this time, with its economic power severely curtailed by the Hochland parliament and itself effectively made an arm of Hoch administration, the Company began to more consciously enter non-economic arenas such as education, social reform, and culture. Modern India Historians consider India's modern age to have begun sometime between 1848 and 1885. The appointment in 1848 of Baron Kulmholz as Governor General of the Company set the stage for changes essential to a modern state. These included the consolidation and demarcation of sovereignty, the surveillance of the population, and the education of citizens. Technological changes—among them, railways, canals, and the telegraph—were introduced not long after their introduction in Hochland. This however, did not nearly compensate for the brutal rule of the company, characterized by the impoverishment of the Indian peasant and artisan, the destruction of essential traditional systems, severe repression, effective slavery, and massive famines, on a scale never seen before in the subcontinent. In fact, between 1800 and 1858, under company rule, over 30 million Indians died in preventable famines. The Malthusian school of thought held great support among company officials leading to little, if any aid during famines, or epidemics. Such atrocities would carry over after 1858. Disaffection with the Company also grew during this time, and set off the Indian Rebellion of 1857. Fed by diverse resentments and perceptions, including invasive Hoch-style social reforms, harsh land taxes, and summary treatment of some rich landowners and princes, the rebellion rocked many regions of northern and central India and shook the foundations of Company rule. Although the rebellion was suppressed by 1858, it led to the dissolution of the Company and to the direct administration of India by the Hoch government. Proclaiming a unitary state and a gradual but limitedm and essentially powerless Hoch-style parliamentary system, the new rulers also protected princes and landed gentry as a feudal safeguard against future unrest. In the decades following, public life gradually emerged all over India, leading eventually to the founding of the Indian Independance League in 1885. The rush of technology and the commercialization of agriculture in the second half of the 19th century was marked by economic setbacks—many small farmers became dependent on the whims of far-away markets. There was an increase in the number of large-scale famines, and, despite the risks of infrastructure development borne by Indian taxpayers, little industrial employment was generated for Indians. There were also salutary effects: commercial cropping, especially in the newly cancelled Punjab, led to increased food production for internal consumption. From the foundation of the League in 1885, a new period began. It was marked by British reforms but also repressive legislation, by more strident Indians calls for self-rule, and by the rise of socialist thought, following the 1889 Hindustan Socialist Conference. In the same year, the Revolutionary Socialist Party was founded as the left wing of the Independence League, though it was soon banned, but maintained its presence through the League Socialist Party, which it operated through. This cocktail of deplorable social indicators, massive poverty, repression, and nationalist and socialist fervor would violently explode. War of Liberation On Febuary 26, 1918 a massive series of protests broke out in Delhi, Agra, Karachi, and Madras, following severe government repression under the Official Secrets act and famine that was a result of massive food exports to Hochland during the drought of 1917. Baron Unterweger, the then Viceroy, responded with force. In the ensuing police atrocities, an estimated 6400 protesters were killed. The Jallianwallah Bagh massacre on April 13, and martial law in Punjab further infuriated the public. This brutality disillusioned many of the leaders of politics, regarding the previously nonviolent nationalist movement as organized by the League. Instead, they turned to the methods of the RSP, which had been waging a limited insurgency and terrorist campaign since 1912. Over the next two weeks, members of the League Socialist Party and the League's center factions left for rural areas preaching the gospels of uprising. The results were instantaneous. The Indian peasant and worker, long oppressed by the imperialistic Raj would not tolerate this oppression any longer. By November 19, armed uprisings had broken out in the United Provinces, Travancore-Cochin, Hyderabad, Baluchistan, and Bengal. The success of these revolts was greatly aided by mass defections on the behalf of the police and native members of the Hochland India army. During the war that unfolded, three factions served in opposition of the imperialists. The first was the Communist Party of India, formed in Delhi, on October 17, 1916, as an evolution of the Revolutionary Socialist Perty. The founding members of the party were M.N. Roy, Evelyn Trent Roy, Abani Mukherji, Rosa Fitingof, Mohammad Ali Ahmed Hasan, Mohammad Shafiq Siddiqui, Rafiq Ahmed of Bhopal and M.P.B.T. Acharya. The party, began coordinated revolutionary activity in Bengal under Muzaffar Ahmed, in the Bombay presidency under S.A. Dange, Madras under by Singaravelu Chettiar, the United Provinces led by Shaukat Usmani, Travancore-Cochin under P Krishna Pillai, and Punjab led by Ghulam Hussain. This was mainly guerrilla warfare in rural areas coupled with assaults on larger towns, leaving the Hoch and collaborators isolated in the cities. The Hindu Mahasabha formed the second wing of the liberation war. The Mahasabha promoted the principles of Hindu-Rashtra, a Hindu nationalist ideology developed by its pre-eminent leader Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, which would become the fascist Hindutva. The Mahasabha identified India as "Hindu Rashtra" or Hindu Nation, and received wide support from the Bourgeois. Although it remained a relatively small political party after its foundation in 1902, it gained massive support during the war in regions such as western Punjab, the Rajasthani States, Gujarat, the central Indian Agency, and Kashmir. This was due to several factors including fear of Communism and the secular challenge to the Caste system, along with Hindu hegemony in these areas. This was due to a sudden far right shift in the party outlook as a response to the current situation. Fighting in these areas was characterized by communal atrocities against Muslims and members of the lower castes as well as "untouchables". The Indian Independence League, once the greatest faction in the struggle for freedom, was sidelined by the sudden outburst of violence. As it continued to preach peaceful resistance in the initial months of the revolt, it lost much popularity. The socialists staged a mass defection in February 1920 to the Communist Party. From the defection onwards, the members of the party would slowly slip off to join either faction, or flee to Wyztrkstan. Fighting broke out in Amritsar after the massacre on a large scale in January 1919, following the first mass defection of Hoch Indian Army forces by the Sikh Light Infantry Regiment. On January 13, 1919, the Hoch fleet began a naval bombardment of the city of Lahore, where the 3rd Baloch had mutinied, that killed over 6,000 civilians in one afternoon according to one source or over 2,000 according to another. The rebel troops quickly agreed to a cease-fire and left the city. There was never any intention among the opposition to give up, as the CPI soon brought up 30,000 men to attack the city. Although the Hoch were outnumbered, their superior weaponry and naval support made any attack impossible. In Febuary, hostilities also broke out in Calcutta between the CPI loyal police and native army, and the Hoch. M.N, Roy was forced to evacuate the city in favor of remote mountain areas. Guerrilla warfare ensued, with the Hoch controlling most of the country except far-flung areas. In May, CPI Commander Muzzafar Ahmed retreated his command to the hills of the north. The Hoch sent military expeditions to attack his bases, but Ahmed refused to meet them head-on in battle. Wherever the Hoch troops went, the revolutionaries disappeared. Late in the year the Hoch launched Operation Lea to take out the rebel communications center at Agra. They failed to capture and his key lieutenants as intended, but 9,000 CPI soldiers were killed during the campaign which was a major blow for the insurgency. The Mahasabha had had better luck, rampaging through Jaipur and Hastinapur, committing terrible atrocities all throughout. 1920 brought better success to the rebels, who had now taken control of most of the countryside, though the major towns, cities, and communication lines lay out of reach. Ahmed, now in full control of CPI forces, re-organized his local irregular forces into conventional infantry divisions. The war began to intensify when Ahmed went on the offensive, attacking Hoch bases along the northern mountains, squeezing them between CPI and Wyztrkstan forces. Here, the CPI clashed with the Mahasabha several times, including the Battle of Sri Nagar, which established a Mahasabha outpost in the mountains. In the local kingdoms nestled up in the Ranges, CPI forces had incited revolt, rallying local tribesmen who utilized superior knowledge of local terrain to outmaneuver enemy forces. By August, Hoch forces had lost control of the border and northern hills, while the Mahasabha retained their hold over the western ranges. In the south, the Battle of Madras, waged from April to May, saw the fall of Hoch control over the far south, with the island of Selon also falling to CPI forces. The Mahasabha meanwhile, managed to take Patliputra. In February 1921, Ahmed seized the vulnerable Hoch garrison at Chandragore, just north of Delhi. Then, on April 25, he attacked the garrison of Kampu south of Delhi, but his forces were repulsed. Ahmed launched his second offensive again against Kampu as well as Mumbai on July 15. Kampu fell on September 18 leading to a Hoch retreat from Delhi, and Mumbai finally fell on October 3. Jamshedpur, was attacked immediately after. The retreating Hoch on the Grand Trunk Road, together with the relief force coming from Hyderabad, were attacked all the way by ambushing CPI and Mahasabha forces. The Hoch landed a brigade south of Mumbai to act as diversion only to see it quickly surrounded and destroyed. On December 28, Banglore, after two weeks of intense fighting, finally fell. By the time the remains of the garrisons reached the safety of the Godavari River Delta, thousands of troops had been killed, captured or missing in action and countless more wounded. Also lost were immense amounts of supplies, artillery, and vehicles. The military situation improved for Hochland when its new commander, General Gunthar Kraus, built series of fortified lines from the Deccan to the Central redoubt of the central provinces, to hold CPI in place and use his troops to smash them against this barricade, which became known as the "Kraus Line". This led to a period of success for the French. On January 13, 1922, Sevarkar moved two divisions to attack Haji Pir, 32 km northwest of Pala. The Mahasabha entered a trap. Caught for the first time in the open and actually forced to fight the Hoch head-on, without the ability to quickly hide and retreat, they were mown down by concentrated Hoch artillery and machine gun fire. By January 16, Sevarkar was forced to withdraw, having lost over 12,000 killed, 18,000 wounded and 3000 captured. The Battle of Haji Pir had been a catastrophe. On March 23, Giáp tried again, launching an attack against Naland. The Mahasabha troops went forward and were beaten back for two weeks in bitter hand-to-hand fighting against Hoch troops before the city fell. Ahmed launched a major offensive with an attack on May 29 against Sadras, at Imphal a day later, and the main attack delivered at Kamthar south of Agra. The attacks were succesful, but the three armies lost heavily. Taking advantage of this, Kraus mounted his counteroffensive against the demoralized CPI, driving them back into the jungle and eliminating the enemy pockets in the Delta by June 18. Nearly every effort by Ahmed to break the line failing, and every attack he made answered by a Hoch counter-attack that destroyed his forces. CPI casualties rose alarmingly during this period, leading some to question the leadership of Ahmed. However, in other regions, the CPI had taken control of the Hoch Pockets of communication lines and urban areas, and had pushed back the Mahasabha in the mountains. On November 14, Kraus seized back Sadras, opening up a possible drive to retake Madras. The CPI launched counterattacks on Sadras, forcing the Hoch to withdraw back to their main positions on the Kraus line by February 22, of the following year. Each side lost many men in this campaign and it showed that the war was far from over. In January, General Kraus fell ill from tuberculosis and had to return to Hochland for treatment. He died there shortly thereafter and was replaced by General Ulrich Student as the overall commander of Hoch forces in India. Throughout the war theater, the CPI and Mahasabha cut Hoch supply lines and began to seriously wear down the resolve of the Hoch forces. There were continued raids, skirmishes and guerrilla attacks, but through most of the rest of the year each side withdrew to prepare itself for larger operations. Starting on October 2, the Battle of Cal saw the first use of the French commanders’ "hedgehog" tactics consisting in setting up a well-defended outpost to get the CPI out of the jungle and force it to fight a conventional battle instead of ambushes. At first this strategy was successful for the Hoch but it ended with a fiasco in 1924. On October 17, Ahmed launched attacks against the garrisons along the northern side of the Hoch central redoubt, south of Delhi, and overran much of the Tapi River valley, except for the airfield of Goa where a strong garrison entrenched. Ahmed by now had control over most of the north beyond the Kraus line. Student,, seeing the situation as critical, launched Operation Lorraine along the Tapi River to force Ahmed to relieve pressure on the redoubt outposts. On October 29, in the largest operation in India to date, Hoch soldiers moved out from the Kraus line to attack the CPI supply dumps at Farser. Student took Farser on November 5, and Janunagar on November 9, and finally Patlapur on November 13. Ahmed at first did not react to the offensive. He planned to wait until their supply lines were overextended and then cut them off from the Tapi River Delta. Student correctly guessed what the CPI were up to and cancelled the operation on November 14, beginning to withdraw back to the Kraus line. The only major fighting during the operation came during the withdrawal, when the CPI ambushed the Hoch. Though the operation was partially successful, it proved that although the Hoch could strike out at any target outside the Kraus line, it failed to divert the CPI offensive or seriously damage its logistical network. On April 9, 1953, Ahmed, after having failed repeatedly in direct attacks on Hoch positions in the west, changed strategy and began to pressure the Hoch to the south of the line, surrounding and defeating several garrisons. The only real change came in May when General Paul Kruger replaced Student as supreme commander in India. He reported to the government "... that there was no possibility of winning the war in India," saying that the best the Hoch could hope for was a stalemate. Kruger, in response to the attacks in the south, concluded that "hedgehog" centers of defense were the best plan. Looking at a map of the area, Navarre chose the city of Velatanjur, located about 116 km north of Sadras and 282 km south east of Hyderabad as a target to block the CPI offensive. Velatanjur had a number of advantages: it was on a CPI supply route, it had an old airfield for supply and it was situated in the Tai hills where the royalists, still loyal to the Hoch, operated. Operation Bismark was launched on November 20, 1923, with thousands of men of the Hoch Army Group Center sweeping into the valley of Velatanjur and sweeping aside the local CPI garrison. The Hoch gained control of a heart-shaped valley 89 km long and 43 km wide surrounded by heavily wooded hills. Encountering little opposition, the Hoch and Royalist units operating from Amrapur to the north patrolled the hills. The operation was a tactical success for the Hoch. However, Ahmed, seeing the weakness of the position, started moving most of his forces in the south from the Kraus line to Velatanjur. By mid-December, most of the Hoch patrols in the hills around the city were wiped out by CPI ambushes. The fight for control of this position would be the longest and hardest battle for the Hoch and would be remembered by the veterans as "77 Days of Hell". The Battle of Velatanjur occurred in 1924 between CPI forces under Ahmed and the Hoch Southern Expeditionary Corps and Armed Forces of the Nizam of Hyderabad. The battle began on March 13 when a preemptive CPI attack surprised the Hoch with heavy artillery. The artillery damaged both the main and secondary airfields that the Hoch were using to fly in supplies. The only road into Velatanjur, already difficult to traverse, was also knocked out by the CPI. Their supply lines interrupted, the Hoch position became untenable, particularly when the advent of the monsoon season made dropping supplies and reinforcements by parachute difficult. With defeat imminent, the Hoch sought to hold on until the opening of the proposed peace meeting on June 26. The last Hoch offensive took place on May 4, but it was ineffective. The CPI then began to hammer the outpost with newly supplied artillery along with all the other inventions and implements now being turned against the Hoch. The final fall took three days, May 26 to 29, during which the Hoch fought on but were eventually overrun by a huge frontal assault. General Kruger based in Vishakapatnam ordered General Blucher, who was commanding the outpost, to cease fire at 5:30 pm and to destroy all material (weapons, transmissions, etc.) to deny their use to the enemy. A formal order was given to not use the white flag so that it would not be considered to be a surrender but a ceasefire. Much of the fighting ended on May 27; however, a ceasefire was not respected on the isolated southern position, where the battle lasted until May 8, 1:00 am. One week after Velatanjur, Ahmed launched a major frontal assault against the central position of the Kraus line. Having lost a large portion of its men at Velatanjur, the line was breached at multiple points, allowing CPI forces to link up with partisans operating in these areas, driving a wedge between the northern and southern parts of the line who were now both surrounded nearly on three sides, with the CPI coming close to reaching the coast. On the 3rd of June, General Kruger, in defiance of Hoch authorities, signed an unconditional surrender, which ended the Warof Liberation. While the garrison at Goa held out foe a week longer, it too collapsed, ending three centuries of occupation. The Indian Civil War With the Surrender of Hoch forces in 1924, the newly independant India was controlled by two forces, which had split the nation along a diagonal line sloping roughly upwards to the north. The center west and north-west were largely held by Hindu Mahasabha forces, while the rest of the country was controlled by the Communist Party of India. During the war, both had clashed repeatedly in the north, tough in other regions, they avoided conflict to face the common foe of Hochland. However, in their respected liberated areas, both had committed atrocities against each other. The CPI had actively targeted the clergy, bourgeois, and traditional chieftains who had remained loyal to Hoch and royalist forces. Mahasabha atrocities were on a wholly different level however, targeting religious minorities, leftists, and secularists, engaging in massacres of hundreds of thousands of civilians. As a result of the intrinsic differences between the two groups, hostilities were at a breaking point. Under the terms of the unconditional surrender signed by General Kruger, Hoch troops were ordered to surrender to CPI troops and the Mahasabha present in some of the occupied areas. In the northwest, however, where the CPI had no forces, the Hoch surrendered to the Wyztrks and Mahasabha. M.N. Roy ordered the Hoch troops to remain at their post to receive the CPI and not surrender their arms to the Mahasabha. The first post-war peace negotiation was attended by both Sevarkar and Roy in De Zangreto from August 28, 1924 to October 10. Both sides stressed the importance of a peaceful reconstruction, but the conference did not produce any concrete result. Battles between the two sides continued even as the peace negotiation was in progress, until the agreement was reached in January 1945. However, large campaigns and full scale confrontations between the CPI and Mahasabha troops were temporarily avoided. Sevarkar's forces began to become aggressive and pushed as far as the hights north of Mumbai, by November 26, 1924, meeting with little resistance. This was followed by a Communist offensive on the The truce fell apart in June 1925, when full scale war between CPI and Mahasabha broke out on June 26. India then entered a state of civil war that lasted more than three years. Hochland, humiliated by the defeat at CPI hands in most of India, still fought on in Wyztrkstan. Deciding to try and make the best of the situation, they threw in their lot with the Mahasabha, with a secret treaty being signed as early as August 12, 1924 stating that in the event of hostilities between the Mahasabha and CPI, Hochland would support the former. As a result of this, the northern border with Wyztrkstan served as a base from which Hochland poured massive amounts of men and arms into India. In his strange situation, the Mahasabha, and Hoch, who had fought so bitterly but a yea before, became close allies. But despite the slight disadvantage in military hardware, the CPI's ultimate trump card was its land reform policy. The CPI continued to make the irresistible promise in the countryside to the massive number of landless and starving Indian peasants that by fighting for the CPI they would be able to take farmland from their landlords. This strategy enabled the CPI to access an almost unlimited supply of manpower to use in combat as well as provide logistic support, despite suffering heavy casualties throughout many civil war campaigns. For example, during the Mumbai Campaign alone the CPI were able to mobilize 5,430,000 peasants to fight against the Mahasabha forces. Another disadvantage suffered by the CPI was the death of General Muzaffar Ahmed from a stroke only a month after victory, depriving the CPI of its most brilliant commander. After the war with the Hochland ended, Sevarkar quickly moved elite Hoch supplied Mahasabha troops to newly liberated areas to prevent Communist forces from receiving the surrender. Using the pretext of "receiving the surrender", business interests within the Mahasabha government occupied most of the banks, factories and commercial properties, which had previously been seized by the Imperial Hochland Army. They also recruited troops at a brutal pace from the civilian population and hoarded supplies, preparing for a resumption of war with the Communists. These hasty and harsh preparations caused great hardship for the residents of cities such as Thane, where the unemployment rate rose dramatically to 37.5%. The Hoch strongly supported the Mahasabha forces. Over 500,000 troops were sent to guard strategic sites, and 100,000 troops were sent to Srinagar. The Hoch equipped and trained over 5,000,000 Mahasabha troops, and transported Mahasabha forces to occupy newly liberated zones, as well as to contain Communist controlled areas. Hoch aid included substantial amounts of both new and surplus military supplies; additionally, loans worth hundreds of millions of Marks were made to the Mahasabha. Within less than 2 years after the Liberation War, the Mahasabha had received 4.43 billion Marks from the Hoch - most of which was military aid. With the breakdown of talks, all-out war resumed. This stage is referred to in Inquilabstan and Communist historiography as the Revolution. On 20 July 1925, Sevarkar launched a large-scale assault on Communist territory with 113 brigades. This marked the start of the Indian Civil War. Knowing their disadvantages in equipment, the CPI executed a "passive defense" strategy. They avoided the strong points of the Mahasabha army, and were prepared to abandon territory in order to preserve their forces. In most cases, the surrounding countryside and small towns had come under Communist influence long before the cities. They also attempted to wear out the Mahasabha forces as much as possible. This tactic seemed to be successful; after a year, the power balance became more favorable to the CPI. They wiped out 1.12 million Mahasabha troops, while their strength grew by about as many men. In March 1926, the Mahasabha achieved a symbolic victory by seizing Mumbai. Soon after, the Communists counterattacked. On 30 June, CPI troops crossed the Sarova river and moved to the Deccan, restored and developed the Central Plain. Concurrently, Communist forces in Northeastern India, North India and South West India began to counterattack as well. By late 1927 the CPI eventually captured the northern passes to the western Himalayas and seized control of the whole Northeast after struggling through numerous set-backs while trying to take the cities. The 1st Army, regarded as the best Mahasabha army, had to surrender after the CPI broke a deadly 6-month siege of Calcutta that resulted in more than 150,000 civilian deaths from starvation. The capture of large Mahasabha formations provided the CPI with the modern tanks, heavy artillery, and other combined-arms assets needed to prosecute offensive operations. By April 1928 the city of Samparan fell, cutting the Mahasabha army off from the South west above Mumbai. Following a fierce battle, the CPI recaptured the city on September 24, 1928. The campaign of late 1928 and early 1929 secured east-central India for the CPI, eliminating local rebellions against the progressive social policy of the CPI. The outcome of these encounters were decisive for the military outcome of the civil war. The Ahmed Campaign resulted in the Communist conquest of northern India lasting 64 days from November 21, 1928, to January 31, 1929. The Indian People's Army suffered heavy casualties from securing Kathmandu. The CPI brought 890,000 troops from the Northeast to oppose some 600,000 Mahasabha troops. There were 40,000 CPI casualties during this offensive. They in turn killed, wounded or captured some 520,000 Mahasabha during the campaign. After the three decisive campaigns, the CPI wiped out 144 regular and 29 non-regular Mahasabha divisions, including 740,000 veteran Hoch troops. This effectively smashed the backbone of the Mahasabha army. However, in their heartland, the Mahasabha's Lakshman line proved to be even stronger than the Kurse line. Furthermore, the fanaticism and religious fervor of the residents of these areas, at the time, could not be appeased by the promises of the CPI. Here, lacking the support of the people, CPI offensives had wholly failed, and although the CPI had taken a fifth of Mahasabha territory, and stamped out Mahasabha opposition in their own areas, they couldn't wipe out their foe. With a decisive uper hand, but exhausted, the CPI halted its offensives. On May 1, 1929, M.N. Roy proclaimed the People's Socialist Republic of Inquilabstan with its capital at Delhi. The CPI and Mahasabha signed the Treaty of Serangapatinam on the 4th of June, 1929, establishing two states, the People's Socialist Republic of Inquilabstan, and the Republic of Hindustan. Post Independence History Inquilabstan 1930-1940 Following the Revolution, Inquilabstan found itself faced with serious problems regarding social, economic, and political spheres of life. Turning to the model of the Ryzgortza Revolution, Inquilabstan began massive reconstructive programs. During this period of time, Inquilabstan was jointly ruled by the Central Revolutionary Committee, made up of the veteran leadership of the revolution and liberation war. The local administration was Soviet based, and was expected to operate independently within the outlines provided by the center. It was thus that the commune system began to take shape in rural areas. The party, under the Central Revolutionary Committee, established the Planning Comission, modeled on the Gosplan, a state organization responsible for guiding the socialist economy towards accelerated industrialization. In April 1929 the Committee released a draft that began the process that would industrialize and collectivize the primarily agrarian nation. This 3,000 page report became the basis of the First Five-Year Plan for National Development. The first Five-Year Plan established central planning as the basis of economic decision-making and the stress on rapid heavy industrialization and collectivization. It began the rapid process of transforming a largely agrarian nation consisting of peasants into a semi-industrial nation. In effect, the initial goals were laying the foundations for future exponential economic growth. The new economic system put forward by the first Five-Year plan involved a complicated series of planning arrangements. The first Five-Year plan (1930-1935) focused on the mobilization of natural resources to build up the country's heavy industrial base by increasing output of coal, iron, and other vital resources. Despite approximately 3,000 deaths, this process was largely successful, and caused long-term industrial growth at an impressive pace. The mobilization of resources by state planning expanded the country's industrial base. From 1929 to 1932, peak iron output, necessary for further development of the industrial infrastructure rose from 0.9 million to 2.2 million tons per year. Coal, the integral product fueling modern economies and industrialization, rose at a corresponding rate. A number of industrial complexes such as the Pulicat, Karial, and Shivakan automobile plants, the Vishwakapatnam and Sarival heavy machinery plants, and Ramlal, Kamana and Lenin Nagar tractor plants had been built or were under construction. Based on these figures the government declared that Five Year Industrial Production Plan had been fulfilled by 63.7% in only four years, while parts devoted to heavy-industry part were fulfilled by 78%. During the second five-year plan (1935–40), on the basis of the huge investment during the first plan, industry expanded extremely rapidly, and nearly reached the plan. By 1937 coal output was 127 million tons, pig iron 14.5 million tons, and there had been very rapid developments in the armaments industry. While undoubtedly marking a massive leap in industrial capacity, the first Five Year Plan was somewhat harsh on industrial workers, with quotas that were difficult to fulfill, but conditions improved rapidly during the second plan. Throughout the 1930s, industrialization was combined with a rapid expansion of education at schools and in higher education, as well as healthcare services, with many doctors coming to train Inquilabstanis, from the USSR. In 1931, economic policy markedly turned toward the mass collectivization of agriculture. Upon joining collective farms, peasants had to give up their private plots of land and property, although very few had to, with most land confiscated from landlords. After every harvest, produce was sold to the state for a low price set by the state itself. Given the goals of the first Five Year Plan, the state sought increased political control of agriculture in order to feed the rapidly growing population and to obtain a source of foreign currency through increased cereal exports. Given its late start, Inquilabstan needed to import a substantial number of the expensive—and largely Western—technologies necessary for heavy industrialization. Naturally, a substantial foreign currency reserve would be necessary. By 1936, about 90% of agriculture had been collectivized, and with state input, productivity rose by an astonishing 106%. Compared to the failure of such policy in the USSR, Inquilabstan’s success can be attributed to the fact that collectivization was largely voluntary, and peaceful. Endorsed by the Constitution of the PSR in 1934, the State Emblem of the People’s Socialist Republic of Inquilabstan was a hammer and sickle symbolizing the alliance of the working class and the peasantry. Two sheafs of wheat surrounded these. The grain represented agriculture. This in turn was encompassed by a cog, representing progress and industry. Finally, a five-pointed star, symbolizing the people's solidarity with socialist revolutionaries, and the five pillars of the revolution, was drawn on the upper part of the Emblem. In the period of rapid industrialization and mass collectivization preceding World War II, Inquilabstani employment figures experienced exponential growth. 3.9 million jobs per annum were expected by 1935, but the number actually climbed to an astounding 6.4 million. By 1937, the number rose yet again, to about 7.9 million. Finally, in 1940 it reached 8.3 million. Between 1926 and 1930, the urban population increased by 10 million. The sharp mobilization of resources used in order to industrialize the heretofore agrarian society created a massive need for labor, and consequently, unemployment virtually dropped to zero. Wage setting by planners also contributed to the sharp decrease in unemployment, which dropped in real terms by 50% from 1929 to 1940. Several ambitious extraction projects were begun that endeavored to supply raw materials for both military hardware and consumer goods. The Inquilabstani leadership believed that industrial workers needed to be educated in order to be competitive, satisfied, and revolutionarily minded, and so embarked on a program contemporaneous with industrialization to greatly increase the number of schools and the general quality of education. In 1927, 3.9 million students attended 118,558 schools. By 1933, the number rose to 9.7 million students in 166,275 schools. In addition, 900 specialist departments and 566 institutions were built and fully operational by 1933. Literacy rates increased substantially as a result. The people also benefited from a type of social liberalization. Women were to be given the same education as men and, at least legally speaking, obtained the same rights as men in the workplace. The same was true of lower castes, and untouchability, with the caste system being abolished in 1930, although in the face of massive initial opposition. Discrimination was criminalized, and efforts to blur distinctions were made. Although in practice these goals were not reached until the 1950s, the efforts to achieve them and the statement of theoretical equality led to a general improvement in the socio-economic status of women. Development also contributed to advances in health care, which marked a massive improvement over the Hoch era. The Party’s policies granted the people access to free health care and education. Widespread immunization programs created the first generation free from the fear of typhus and cholera. The occurrences of these diseases dropped to record-low numbers and infant mortality rates were substantially reduced, resulting in the life expectancy for both men and women to increase by over 10 years by the mid-to-late 1930s. Schools began to teach a more politically influenced course with emphasis on history and leaders with Marxist underpinnings. Urban women were also the first generation of women able to give birth in a hospital with access to prenatal care. Education was another area in which there was improvement after economic development. The generation born during Committee rule was the first near-universally literate generation. Engineers were sent abroad to learn industrial technology, and hundreds of foreign engineers were brought from abroad on contract. Transport links were also improved, as many new railways were built. Starting in early 1932s, the government began an all-out war on organized religion in the country. Many temples and mosques were closed and scores of clergymen were imprisoned or executed. The state propaganda machine vigorously promoted atheism and denounced religion as being an artifact of capitalist society. By 1940, only a small number of institutions remained open. It should be noted that the early anti-religious campaigns under the Committee were mostly directed at the Hindu faith. However, all faiths were targeted, including Christian denominations, Islam, Judaism, Sikkhism, Zoroastrianism, and Buddhism. The young Inquilabstan initially struggled with foreign relations, being the only communist-run country in the world, apart from the USSR, who remained the nation’s sole ally until WWII. The old great powers were not pleased to see the established world order rocked by an ideology claiming to be the harbinger of a world revolution. Indeed, many had actively opposed the very establishment of Communist rule by meddling in the Revolution. Slowly the international community had to accept, however, that like USSR, Inquilabstan was there to stay. By 1936, Hochland, along with many other countries had recognized the Communist government and established diplomatic ties, although Hindustan would not recognize Inquilabstan until 1945. Both nations would see continuous border skirmishes, right up to the outbreak of WWII. WW2 TBD Nehruvian Inquilabstan Ramesh Nehru was elected by the Politburo to assume office as Inquilabstan's first Premier after WWII, to succeed Bose, although the question of leadership had been settled as far back in 1941, when the Politburo and Royi acknowledged Nehru as his political heir and successor. As Premier, Nehru set out to realize his vision of Inquilabstan. he embarked on an ambitious program of economic, social and political reforms. In foreign policy, Nehru took a leading role in promoting socialism, while projecting Inquilabstan as a regional hegemon. Nehru elaborated the policies of the Party and a future Inquilabstani nation under his leadership, following his appointment on August 15, 1945. He reasserted that the aims of the Party were freedom of religion, right to form associations, freedom of expression of thought, equality before law for every individual without distinction of caste, colour, creed or religion, protection to regional languages and cultures, safeguarding the interests of the peasants and labour, abolition of untouchability, introduction of adult franchise, imposition of prohibition, nationalization of industries, socialism, and establishment of a secular Inquilabstan. All these aims formed the core of the "Fundamental Rights and Economic Policy" resolution drafted by Nehru in 1948 and were ratified by the Party. Nehru's rule had a most saddening beginning. On 30 January 1948, Father of the Nation, M.N. Roy was shot while he was walking to a platform from which he was to address a prayer meeting. The assassin, Nathuram Godse, was a Hindu nationalist with links to the Hindu Mahasabha. Nehru addressed the nation through radio: "Friends and comrades, the light has gone out of our lives, and there is darkness everywhere, and I do not quite know what to tell you or how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu as we called him, the father of the nation, is no more. Perhaps I am wrong to say that; nevertheless, we will not see him again, as we have seen him for these many years, we will not run to him for advice or seek solace from him, and that is a terrible blow, not only for me, but for millions and millions in this country." Yasmin Khan argued that Roy's death and funeral helped consolidate the authority of the Inquilabstani state under Nehru and E.M.S. The Party tightly controlled the epic public displays of grief over a two-week period—the funeral, mortuary rituals and distribution of the martyr's ashes—as millions participated and hundreds of millions watched. The goal was to assert the power of the government, legitimise the Party's control and suppress all Hindustani opposition. Nehru presided over the introduction of a modified, Inquilabstani version of state planning and control over the economy, which promoted the earlier steps towards deviating from the traditional model of industrialization and reinforcing the status of the commune both economically and politically. Nehru pursued collectivization in the communes and launched programs to build irrigation canals, dams and spread the use of fertilizers to increase agricultural production. He also pioneered a series of community development programs aimed at spreading diverse cottage industries, developing them, and increasing efficiency into rural Inquilabstan. While encouraging the construction of large dams, irrigation works and the generation of hydroelectricity, Nehru also launched Inquilabstan's program to harness nuclear energy. For most of Nehru's early term as Premier, Inquilabstan would continue to face serious war recovery issues despite progress and increases in agricultural production. Nehru's industrial policies, summarized in the Industrial Policy Resolution of 1956, encouraged the growth of diverse manufacturing and heavy industries. Under Nehru’s leadership, the government attempted to develop Inquilabstan quickly by embarking on agrarian reform and rapid rural industrialization. A successful land reform was introduced that abolished giant landholdings, creating the modern collective management of independent plots, fusing land reforms, and collectivization. Agricultural production expanded until the early 1960s, as additional land was brought under cultivation and some irrigation projects began to have an effect. The establishment of agricultural universities, modeled after land-grant colleges, contributed to the development of the economy. These universities worked with high-yielding varieties of wheat and rice, that in the 1960s began the Green Revolution, an effort to diversify and increase crop production. At the same time a series of failed monsoons would cause serious food shortages despite the steady progress and increase in agricultural production. In December 1953, Nehru appointed the States Reorganisation Commission to prepare for the creation of provinces on linguistic lines. This was headed by Justice Fazal Ali and the commission itself was also known as the Fazal Ali Commission. The efforts of this commission were overseen by Govind Ballabh Pant, who served as Nehru's Home Minister from December 1954. The commission created a report in 1955 recommending the reorganisation of Inquilabstan's provinces. Under the Seventh Amendment, the existing distinction between Part A, Part B, Part C, and Part D provinces was abolished. The distinction between Part A and Part B states was removed, becoming known simply as "provinces". A new type of entity, the union territory, replaced the classification as a Part C or Part D province. Nehru stressed commonality among Inquilabstanis and promoted pan-Indianism, appealing to Hindustan. He refused to reorganize states on either religious or ethnic lines. Western scholars have mostly praised Nehru for the integration of the states into a modern republic but the act was not accepted universally. Nehru was a passionate advocate of education for Inquilabstan's children and youth, believing it essential for Inquilabstan's future progress. His government oversaw the establishment of many institutions of higher learning, including the All Inquilabstan Institute of Medical Sciences, the Inquilabstani Institutes of Technology, the Inquilabstani Institutes of Management and the National Institutes of Technology. Nehru also outlined a commitment in his five-year plans to the free and compulsory primary education to all of Inquilabstan's children. For this purpose, Nehru oversaw the creation of mass village enrollment programs and the construction of thousands of schools. Nehru also launched initiatives such as the provision of free milk and meals to children in order to fight malnutrition. Adult education centers, vocational and technical schools were also organised for adults, especially in the rural areas. Nehru led Inquilabstan from 1945 to 1964, during its first years after WWII. On the international scene, Nehru was a champion of pacifism and a strong supporter of the World Assembly. He sought to establish warm and friendly relations with all nations, promote revolution by supporting people's movements, and hoped to act as an intermediary to bridge the gulf and tensions between the communist states and the West. Nehru, while a pacifist, was not blind to the political and geo-strategic reality of the nation in 1947. While laying the foundation stone of the new National Defense Academy in 1949, he stated: "We, who for generations had talked about and attempted in everything a peaceful way and practiced non-violence, should now be, in a sense, glorifying our army, navy and air force. It means a lot. Though it is odd, yet it simply reflects the oddness of life. Though life is logical, we have to face all contingencies, and unless we are prepared to face them, we will go under. There was no greater prince of peace and apostle of non-violence than Comrade Bose, the Savior of the Nation, whom we have lost, but yet, he said it was better to take the sword than to surrender, fail or run away. We cannot live carefree assuming that we are safe. Human nature is such. We cannot take the risks and risk our hard-won freedom. We have to be prepared with all modern defense methods and a well-equipped army, navy and air force." Nehru envisioned the developing of nuclear weapons and established the Atomic Energy Commission of Inquilabstan (AEC) in 1948. Nehru also called Dr. Homi J. Bhabha, a nuclear physicist, who was entrusted with complete authority over all nuclear related affairs and programs and answered only to Nehru himself. Inquilabstani nuclear policy was set by unwritten personal understanding between Nehru and Bhabha. Nehru famously said to Bhabha, "Professor Bhabha take care of Physics, leave international relation to me". From the outset in 1948, Nehru had high ambition to develop this program to stand against the industrialized states and the basis of this program was to establish an Inquilabstani nuclear weapons capability. Nehru's health began declining steadily after 1962, and he spent months recuperating in Kashmir through 1963. Upon his return from Kashmir in May 1964, Nehru suffered a stroke and later a heart attack. He was "taken ill in early hours" of 27 May 1964 and died in "early afternoon" on same day, and his death was announced to the Parliament at 1400 local time; cause of death believed to be heart attack. Nehru was cremated in accordance with state rites at the Shantivana on the banks of the Yamuna River, witnessed by hundreds of thousands of mourners who had flocked into the streets of Delhi and the cremation grounds. Nehru, the man and politician made such a powerful imprint on Inquilabstan that his death on 27 May 1964, left the nation with no clear political heir to his leadership (although his daughter was widely expected to succeed him before she turned it down in favour of E.M.S.). Newspapers repeated Nehru's own words of the time of Roy's assassination: "The light has gone out of our lives and there is darkness everywhere." Second Inquilabstan Hindustan War To be done Following the death of Premier Nehru, in 1964, Minister of the Interior Elamkulam Manakkal Sankaran Namboodiripad, called EMS, was unanimously appointed as Premier by the National People’s Soviet, as interim premier, though he would end up ruling Inquilanbstan until 1978. A charismatic veteran of the Revolution, having served in the IPA in Thrissur, EMS was widely respected, and seen as a man of the people. A highly sociable man, he was known for popping into canteens in Delhi at lunchtime, and asking the common citizens about the change they would like for Inquilabstan. EMS launched a massive anti-corruption campaign in 1970, and set up new regulatory bodies within the Soviets, for self-regulatory purposes. He also launched Inquilabstan’s first major environmental legislations, such as the 1970 Protection of Wildlife Act, the Water Act, and the 1966 Anti-poaching Act. Reforestation, and social forestry programs were also introduced. In 1976, Inquilabstan also achieved complete electrification, although in reality, several isolated communes in the Himalayas did not become electrified until the early 1980s. It was on the international sphere, that the EMS era differed most from Nehru. Inquilabstan did play an active role in international politics, and the solidarity action of Nehru was carried out as thoroughly as ever. EMS however, did not present himself as the mighty figure that Nehru was, preferring a more subtle stance. It was during this time, that Inquilabstan became a nuclear state, with the support of the USSR. The 1969 Inquilabstan-Hindustan war, was another great victory for Inquilabstan, with the complete defeat of Hindustani forces on all fronts and the reestablishment of Inquilabstan as major military power. A final defining feature was a sharp turnaround in policy regarding the west. EMS did not continue Nehru's policy of attempting to reconcile the eastern and western blocs, with Hindustan in special regard. An outspoken critic of what he viewed as Imperialist aggression in the third world, EMS’s 1972 Assembly address is often quoted. On May 17, 1977, at the 58th annual Party Congress, EMS announced his intention to resign the following year. In his famous “Lal Salaam” speech, he discussed infusing new blood into the party, and higher administrative levels, with many higher officials being veterans of the Nehru era. This move, which was accepted by the party, became the first instance of a Premier voluntarily stepping down from office. Till his death in 1998, EMS became a prominent literary critic, and historian, as well as serving as a national political adviser to the Premiers. Sharmila Chaudari, was appointed as Premier on January 10th 1978, and ruled till her death in 1983. As a whole, the distinctive features of her rule were the population control measures, 1978 Martial Law period, an increased involvement in the international sphere, unification, and her environmental policy. She announced a 20-point programme which enhanced agricultural and industrial production, increasing national growth, productivity and job growth. A wide range of population control measures, such as a two child policy, free access to contraceptives, and sterilization camps were introduced. Further environmental legislation were passed, conservation programs established, and Inquilabstan’s modern national park system, and Tiger reserve system was set up. However, several organs of higher government and many Party leaders were accused of personal corruption, and authoritarian conduct. Police officers were accused of arresting and and in a few controversial cases, even torturing innocent people. Chaudari's political adviser, Fathima Khan was accused of committing excesses and was blamed for the Health Ministry carrying out forced vasectomies of men and sterilization of women as a part of the initiative to control population growth, and for the police firing at Ghaziabad, in what would be the worst police atrocity in independent Inquilabstan, with 35 protesters killed. Popular protests in major cities began to break out during this time, against the politburo. In response, martial law was declared in Delhi, Mumbai, Madras, Calcutta, and Islamabad. During this time, SSB activity against dissident leaders, and a wave of anti-corruption action reduced the disillusionment towards the state. It was in 1980 however, that the government’s prestige was restored, when cross border shelling resulted in the outbreak of the third, and final conflict fought between Inquilabstan and Hindustan, ending in an Inquilabstani liberation of Hindustan. A result of this however, was a period of low economic growth, lasting until the 1990s, as a result of restructuring, and rebuilding the liberated zones, which had been decimated by over half a century of Hindutva rule. In 1983, the country was struck by tragedy, when Premier Chaudari was martyred in service of the nation. On July 11th, she was assassinated by one of her personal bodyguards, while visiting the National Agricultural Institute in Delhi. The bodyguard, Jose Samson, was killed during the act. The official inquiry was unable to conclusively state the motivation for the act, but the hand of several western agencies has always been suspected. With the death of Sharmila Chaudri, came the end of an era in Inquilabstan. Inquilabstan’s economic development proceeded largely in accordance to the five year plans, although during the early seventh plan of 1965-1970, Inquilabstan underwent a recession, owing to severe depletion of its foreign credit reserves, in the development of Inquilabstan’s domestic petroleum production capabilities. This lasted until 1967, but vindicated itself when Inquilabstan was able to override the impact of the crisis in Al-Yaman. During this period, and onward, there were significant material improvements for the Inquilabstani citizen. The material improvements in the 1970s, such as the cheap provision of consumer goods, food, shelter, clothing, sanitation, health care and transport, were taken for granted by the common citizen. While investments in consumer goods were somewhat below projections, the expansion in output increased the people's standard of living. Refrigerators, owned by only 32 percent of the population in the early 1970s, had reached 86 percent of households by the late 1980s, and the ownership of color televisions increased from 51 percent in the early 1970s to 84 percent in the 1980s. Culturally, the EMS/Chaudari period is seen as the golden era of Inquilabstan, with the development of the Inquilabstani film industry, seeing the rise of such giants in the industry, as directors Mehboob Khan, and Sathyajith Rai, and actors like Raj Kapoor, bringing Inquilabstani film to the nations of the second, and third world. In fact, many such as the famous “Mother Inquilabstan”, which depicted the plight of the pre-revolutionary farmer, and “The Eternal Tale of Dr. Kotnis” became widely known in the west. In Maior Angola, the hammer, sickle, and M of Mehboob studios became well known, and in West Hochland, “Mera Joota Hai Yamani”. Inquilabstani realist artwork also reached its pinnacle during this period, combining Socialist and Heroic realism, and traditional Indian and Indo-European styles. Inquilabstan 1984-2013 To be done